Capitalism and Class Struggle in the USSR: A Marxist Theory by Neil C. Fernandez

By Neil C. Fernandez

The serious issues of a few of the "Marxist" theories of Soviet capitalism are checked out during this booklet. the idea of Soviet capitalism constitues a massive contribution to the general Marxist critique of exchange-value and cash; and it'll support the classist critique with the identity of significant goals on which to pay attention the hearth of critique when it comes to the advance of capitalism at an international point. some of the "Marxist" theories are thought of in what they are saying concerning the operating category and its fight. detailed awareness is paid to the strengths and weaknesses of Marxist works through Castoriadis, Dunayevskaya and James, Ticktin and Chattopadyay. within the ultimate bankruptcy, Marx's suggestions of the replica of labour-power and the connection among small-scale flow and capital accumulation, which Negri has proven to be of such value, are taken up with specific gusto in context of the USSR. the types of relative and absolute surplus price are thought of in a Soviet context in particular relation to the excellence among productiveness progress and labour intensification, and with regards to classification antagonism.

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Extra resources for Capitalism and Class Struggle in the USSR: A Marxist Theory

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Paras. 108 and 110). 2 SOVIET CAPITALISM: EXISTING THEORIES 39 these tendencies raises significant problems in classifying the theories they have produced, we have found the most straightforward solution to be one which has rarely, if ever, been applied before. ’ Present in the works of the Socialist Party of Great Britain, Rühle and the later council communists, Buick and Crump, Wildt, Dunayevskaya and James, Munis, Cliff, Bettelheim, and Sapir, this concept is quite absent in those of Gorter, Castoriadis, Bordiga, and Chattopadhyay.

Constructive aims are pursued, and other obstacles tackled and removed, both during the war and afterwards. The difference between revolutionary transition and the establishment of a new political regime or a new kind of State can also be understood in terms of the non-institutionalisation of revolutionary struggle. Since the revolution would cease to be a revolution were it to institutionalise its relationship with its enemies, or to seek to do so, the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot but be anti-Statist.

Similarly, since the production of important things would be an issue for everybody, collectively and subjectively, nor would the basis of production be private labour. ’ Indeed we would go further and state that even long after monetary relations and the State had disappeared globally there might occasionally arise circumstances when the inhabitants of a communist civilisation might make use of rationing, and in doing so they would not be putting the overall social relations in any danger. The reason for this is that neither during the transition nor during the subsequent unchallenged reign of communist social relations would the type of ‘scarcity’ which might lead people to organise rationing be comparable to the enforced social relation of scarcity formerly associated with commodity exchange and the concomitant atomisation of individuals.

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